Main trends in the development of international education at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.

International relations at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. characterized by profound changes. Leading countries - Great Britain, France, USA, Germany - which had achieved high economic development, sought to achieve a special position in the system international relations and impose its will on other states.

The end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century was marked by the emergence of 4 trends in the development of international relations.

The first trend was that the leading powers began an acute military-political and economic confrontation for the redivision of the world, for the seizure of territories.

An example of this was the Spanish-American War of 1898 over Cuba, which had long attracted the attention of American monopolies. Using the national liberation war of the Cubans against Spanish rule. The USA captured Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and the island of Guam in the Pacific Ocean.

The Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 is one of the wars for the redistribution of colonial territories. in South Africa. Here the Dutch colonialists and their Boer descendants formed the Transvaal and Orange republics. Soon diamonds were found in South Africa and the British rushed here. In 1899, the Anglo-Boer War began, which ended in victory for England. English rule was introduced in the former Boer colonies.

The second trend in the development of international relations was the desire of the leading powers to achieve military-economic superiority. This led to the creation of large military alliances and intense confrontation during the First World War of 1914-1918.

At the end of the 19th century. In Europe, there was a Triple Alliance, which included Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, in which Germany was the most powerful partner. Germany's economic power was accompanied by its desire to penetrate the Middle East, clashing with the interests of England. The Triple Alliance was opposed by the Entente, which included England, France, and Russia.

The 3rd trend in international relations includes the intensification of the arms race and the emergence of new, more powerful types of weapons. In 1883, an American engineer invented a heavy machine gun. Automatic rifles and armored vehicles armed with machine guns and light cannons appeared. Before the First World War, reconnaissance and bombing appeared. Large battleships were created at sea. Germany has started construction submarines to fight the powerful British fleet.

The 4th trend follows from the first three - a sharp increase in conflict in interstate relations. Inter-bloc tensions became particularly acute, when the slightest pretext could lead to a large-scale military confrontation. Examples were the 1st and 2nd Moroccan crises of 1905-1906 and 1911, the Toosni crisis of 1908, the 2 Balkan Wars, 1912-1913 and 1913, which involved all the leading powers, which led to the First World War.

The colonial system of the world at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the great powers began to fight for the redivision of the world. They sought to divide what had already been captured earlier, to rob the loot, trying to grab each other’s more tasty pieces.

The struggle for the redivision of the world resulted in acute conflicts that involved countries in Asia and Africa, which suffered enormous human and material sacrifices. These are the Anglo-Boer War in South Africa, the Spanish-American War for Cuba and the Philippines, the Russian-Japanese War. The result of these wars was a change in the balance of forces in favor of the victorious powers (USA, England, Japan).

The largest metropolis was Great Britain. 70% of the total colonial population lived in its colonies. France has 9.5%. Germany has 2.3%. England owned vast territories in Africa - Egypt, Sudan, Nigeria. In Asia - India, Ceylon, Nepal. In America, Canada, Australia, New Zealand.

Colonial countries found themselves in heavy economic, financial and military dependence on the great powers. Colonial countries had a monocultural economy, that is, the cultivation of one crop, for example, tea production in India, rice in Vietnam, cotton in Egypt.

Western countries invested in the construction of railways, which brought them high profits. Enslavement occurred through the creation of foreign industrial enterprises in countries, especially in the extractive industries. Foreign monopolies were granted concessions for the exploration and production of minerals, which became the property of foreign companies.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the expansion of great powers on the African continent intensified. The British began to capture Egypt, Sudan, and completed the conquest of South Africa, where in 1910 a British dominion was formed - called the Union of South Africa.

The second largest colonial empire was France, which in 1904 created a unified colonial system - French West Africa, which included French Guinea, the Ivory Coast (Cote de Ivoire), Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), Mauritania, Niger. In 1910, French equatorial Africa was created, consisting of Gabon, Chad and Congo. The Portuguese colonial possessions were extensive, including Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea. Belgium belonged to the independent state of Congo, which in 1915, by decree of the king, was transformed into the Belgian Congo. Italy owned two colonies in Africa. Spain has lost its former power as a colonial empire. She owned 2 small territories in western Africa - Reomuni and the Spanish Sahara.

The United States of America was highly active in the struggle for colonies; they were interested in territories Latin America, on Far East and the Pacific Ocean. The United States took Cuba and the Philippines from Spain, captured Panama from Colombia in 1903, imposed unequal treaties on a number of Latin American countries, and proclaimed the policy of “ open doors"in China.

Brutal exploitation and slave-like working conditions in colonial countries gave rise to discontent and the growth of national liberation movements in Asian countries in the early 20th century.

Wars for the redistribution of the world in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

All these wars were carried out with one goal - the conquest of new lands.
The end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries became the period of the first, initially local wars and conflicts for the redistribution of the world, which became the harbingers of World Wars I and II, the period of the formation of powerful military blocs that entered these wars. As a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, Germany annexed two French provinces - Alsace and Lorraine - and their return became the main goal of the French foreign policy(along with colonial). In 1879, the Austro-German Alliance was concluded, to which Italy joined in 1882 (from which France snatched Tunisia from under its nose in 1881). This is how the Triple Alliance arose - the first powerful bloc of imperialist powers. In 1898, the United States fought the first war to redistribute the world, taking away the last colonial possessions from Spain, which had fallen into decline. Cuba was declared formally independent, the Philippines and Puerto Rico became US colonies. In 1899-1902, the Anglo-Boer War took place, as a result of which England subjugated the small republics that existed in southern Africa, founded here by the Boers - descendants of the Dutch colonists. In 1904-1905, the Russo-Japanese War took place, as a result of which Russia was pushed back from participating in the further enslavement of China. In the same 1905, France and England agreed on their colonial possessions - France renounced claims to Egypt and received the consent of the British to subjugate Morocco. But this caused a sharp protest from Germany, which was bypassed. The First Moroccan Crisis arose. Since Russia, defeated in the war with Japan and engulfed in revolution, could not fulfill its obligations under the agreement concluded in 1890-1893. Franco-Russian alliance, the French had to give in and agree to international conference in Morocco.

IN early XIX century, the largest colonial power was Great Britain. This was the result of the weakening of such major colonial powers as Spain and Portugal in the past, as well as the successful colonial wars with France and Holland for Great Britain. From Holland, Great Britain recaptured the Cape Colony and the island of Ceylon. Great Britain's active colonial policy was accompanied by a decrease in participation in European affairs. Until the beginning of the 20th century. Great Britain pursued a policy of “splendid isolation”, according to which it refused to enter into any alliances in Europe.

The end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century is called the era of imperialism, the struggle of the great powers to expand their colonial possessions. Colonies were needed by capitalist monopolies as sources of raw materials and markets.

Events

Second quarter of the 19th century. - Almost all of India became dependent on Great Britain. India has become Britain's main supplier of cotton, the raw material for the cotton industry.

1830. - Beginning of the French conquest of Algeria.

1838-1842. - Great Britain makes an attempt to conquer Afghanistan, but to no avail.

1839. - China is taking measures to prevent the opium trade. In response, Britain went to war with China in 1840, known as the First Opium War.

1840-1842. - First Opium War. It ended with the signing of the Treaty of Nanjing, according to which five Chinese ports were opened to English merchant ships. Hong Kong Island passed to Great Britain.

France and the United States are seeking to conclude treaties with China similar to Nanjing.

1854. - The United States and Japan entered into an agreement to open two Japanese ports to foreign trade. The treaty was concluded as a result of the US naval expedition to Japan. Following the United States, Russia, Great Britain and France concluded such agreements with Japan.

1856-1860. - The Second Opium War ended with the signing of a peace treaty in Beijing. England received the right to trade opium in China. France and Great Britain received the right to send diplomatic missions to Beijing, and citizens of these two countries were allowed to move throughout China.

1859-1869. - construction of the Suez Canal. A shipping canal connecting the Red and Mediterranean seas. Built mainly with money from French colonialists.

1859. - France conquers the city of Saigon and the entire southern part of Vietnam.

1860. - Great Britain imposed an unequal treaty on Nepal (an unequal treaty, the unfavorable terms of which for one of the parties were imposed due to military superiority).

1860. - the border between Russia and China has been determined. The city of Vladivostok was founded.

1862. - military expedition of Great Britain, France and Spain to Mexico due to non-payment of foreign debt. It ended in 1867, when France was forced to withdraw its troops.

1875. - Japan receives Kuril Islands, Russia - Sakhalin.

1878-1880. - Great Britain is trying to subjugate Afghanistan.

1881. - France takes over Tunisia.

1882. - Egypt becomes a British semi-colony.

1883-1885. - Conquest of Madagascar by France.

1884. - German colonies were founded in Africa: German South-West Africa, German East Africa.

1884-1885. - Berlin International (African) Conference. Convened to decide the status of territories in the Congo Basin (Africa), which were claimed by several states. Representatives of 14 states took part in the conference. The Congo Free State was formed, under the control of Belgium (since 1908, the Congo has been a colony of Belgium). All states were given equal opportunities to use resources and trade.

1894-1895. - Sino-Japanese War. Led to China's abandonment of Korea, which became dependent on Japan.

Late 19th century. - territorial seizures in China. 1897 - Germany occupied part of the Shandong Peninsula (China) and received a 99-year lease on these territories. Russia, France, and Great Britain also received leases from Chinese territories.

1898. - Spanish-American War. The result was the proclamation of the formal independence of Cuba (which came under the influence of the United States). The United States received the Philippines, the islands of Puerto Rico in the West Indies, and Guam in the Pacific Ocean.

1899-1902. - Anglo-Boer War. The Boers are descendants of settlers from Holland who founded the Cape Colony in South Africa. After the capture of the Cape Colony by Great Britain at the beginning of the 19th century. The Boers moved deep into the continent, where they founded two independent republics - the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Republic. After diamond and gold deposits were discovered in Boer territory in 1867, prospectors and colonial troops moved there. As a result of the war, the Boer republics lost their independence.

Participants

As a result of the 19th century European powers' colonial policies led many states in Asia and Africa to lose their independence. In Africa, by the beginning of the 20th century, only one state retained independence - Ethiopia.

The struggle for spheres of influence in the Balkans was one of the causes of the First World War (see lesson).

By the beginning of the new century, the concept of “imperialism” had become widespread in economic and political literature, as well as in the press, to characterize new trends in the economic life and politics of the main capitalist countries. Various contents were put into this concept, but for the most part it was used to define the expansion and expanding colonial policy of major powers. Only V.I. Lenin, on the basis of a deep theoretical analysis of the entire set of economic and political changes that have occurred in the world, gave a comprehensive and truly scientific definition of imperialism as monopoly capitalism, the highest and final stage of capitalism.

World economic crisis of 1900-1903. and development of monopolies

The process of developing the old, “free” capitalism into monopoly capitalism - imperialism - ended at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The turning point in the development of monopolies was the deep economic crisis that hit in 1900-1903. European countries and the United States of America.

The industrial cycle that followed the crisis of 1890 developed unevenly, but its results were very significant. Economic recovery in recent years XIX century passed under the sign of an unprecedented acceleration in the development of heavy industry: within a few years, world coal production increased by almost 65%, iron smelting by more than 70%, and steel production by almost three times. Each country had its own characteristics of industrial growth. In Russia it was associated primarily with the growth of railway construction. In the United States of America and Germany, enterprises in the iron and steel, shipbuilding and electrical industries, as well as housing, commercial premises, etc., were intensively built; In Germany, in addition, the military industry played a major role. In England, along with the rise of heavy and light industry, there was also an increase in foreign trade; the construction of military ships continued to grow even during the years of crisis. In France, metallurgy, as well as electrical engineering and other new branches of production, were not yet of great importance, while light industry, in particular textiles, was developing at a relatively high pace. During the years of industrial expansion there was a significant expansion of the world market. During these same years, the construction of railways intensified in a number of colonial and semi-colonial countries - in Asia, Africa, South America, and also in Australia. “The construction of giant railways, the expansion of the world market and the growth of trade,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “all this caused an unexpected revival of industry, the growth of new enterprises, a frantic pursuit of a market for sales, the pursuit of profit, the founding of new societies, the attraction of the production of a mass of new capital, made up in part from the small savings of small capitalists. It is not surprising that this frantic worldwide pursuit of new unknown markets led to a huge collapse" ( V. I. Lenin, Lessons of the crisis, Works, vol. 5, pp. 74-75.).

A new crisis came suddenly. Its first symptoms appeared in the summer of 1899 in Russia; here it turned out to be the deepest and most lasting. In mid-1900, the crisis began to manifest itself in Germany, and after it England, France and other countries of Western Europe were drawn into its whirlpool. Foreign trade fell sharply. Many banks declared bankruptcy, and even the largest were threatened with collapse. In the United States of America, the crisis arose somewhat later: in 1901, on the New York Stock Exchange, shares of the largest industrial monopolies, the Steel Trust (and others), began to fall catastrophically, after which a sharp decline in production began in a number of key industries - coal, metallurgy, shipbuilding , cotton; The crisis in the United States reached its greatest depth in 1903-1904, when European countries were already planning to ease it. In general, the global economic crisis of 1900-1903, developing unevenly, had one very significant feature: it gave a powerful impetus to the processes of concentration of production and centralization of capital. Contributing to the death of some industrial enterprises and at the same time the strengthening of others, more powerful in technical and economic terms, this crisis was marked by an increase in the role of monopolies, the expansion and strengthening of their dominance.

The acceleration of the process of concentration of capital was facilitated by the rapid progress of technology. In the last years of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The steam engine began to be replaced by an electric one. New industries emerged and grew - electrical engineering, automotive and others. The chemical industry of the main capitalist countries has created dozens of previously unknown products; chemistry was introduced into metallurgical production and the textile industry. The invention of a method for producing high-quality (tungsten) steel revolutionized mechanical engineering, making it possible to create machines with higher productivity and begin their mass production. Rapid technical progress was accompanied by specialization, and in some industries (coal, metallurgical, chemical) and combination of production.

Enterprises equipped with the latest technology required such large capital investments that not only the individual funds of even the richest capitalists, but also the individual capital of entire joint stock companies. It was beneficial for several dozen of the largest enterprises in any industry to come to an agreement with each other, especially since the association promised an unprecedented amount of profit. Already at the beginning of the 20th century. monopolies began to acquire decisive importance in the economy of capitalism.

The classic country of monopoly capital was then Germany, where monopolies arose earlier and covered production more strongly than in other countries.

In 1905, there were at least 385 cartels in Germany, uniting 12 thousand enterprises. They provided about three-fifths of all production and occupied a dominant position in the main branches of industry.

In the United States of America, the process of monopolization began in the second half of the 80s, but it unfolded with all its force at the end of the 19th and in the first years of the 20th century. In 1901, at the beginning of the global economic crisis, 75 trusts were created here, uniting more than 1,600 enterprises with a total share capital of almost 3 billion dollars, and in 1903-1905. monopolized enterprises produced 70% of the total steel production in the country, 75% of coal, 84% of oil, etc.

In somewhat different forms and more slowly, monopolies were created in England, France, Russia, Japan and other capitalist countries.

The purpose of monopolies was to provide profits that far exceeded the normal average profit. Monopolies limited competition, but at the same time caused its extreme aggravation. The competitive struggle took place both between the participants of monopolistic associations themselves for a share in production and profits, and against other monopolies, against all competitors and rivals who were not part of this association, for establishing their dominance over them. Monopolists, using various methods, took away part of the profits from the owners of non-monopoly enterprises and ruined the petty bourgeoisie. In addition, by artificially increasing the prices of goods, they shifted the burden of monopoly high prices onto the consumer and thereby further worsened the situation of the working masses.

Banking monopolies and the emergence of financial capital

The centralization of banking in some countries proceeded even faster than the centralization of industry. Large banks, absorbing or subjugating less powerful ones, turned into banking monopolies. At the beginning of the 20th century. Germany was dominated by the six largest banks; in France - three or four; in the United States, the most powerful were the two banks that served and were controlled by the financial groups of Rockefeller and Morgan.

Thanks to the colossal concentration of money capital, banks began to control enormous social capital and became co-owners of the means of production in industry and throughout the economy. The formation of banking monopolies, in turn, accelerated the monopolization of production. By threatening with deprivation of credit and other measures of economic pressure, banking capital forced the trade, industrial and transport enterprises it controlled to quickly follow the path of unification into cartels and trusts. It was enough for the bank to seize a controlling stake in a joint stock company in order to subordinate it to itself. Such a company often itself controlled a number of “subsidiary” companies, which also became involved in the bank’s sphere of influence. Thus, a few of the largest financiers who dominated a bank or a group of banks were able to control gigantic capital, the largest enterprises, and even entire industries. The system of including directors and other representatives of banks into the supervisory boards of trade, industrial and transport enterprises, insurance companies and, on the other hand, the entry of industrial monopolists into the boards and councils of banks has become widespread.

One of the ways to further enrich the financial oligarchy was speculation securities, which were issued by joint-stock companies. Taking part in the creation of joint-stock companies and banks or reorganizing them, the financial oligarchy usually took possession of a significant part of the shares and kept them in their safes, in order to then, by putting them on sale, appropriate huge profits, sometimes twice the original capital invested.

By making supplies to the state on a large scale, especially in connection with the constant arms race, placing government loans, and finally receiving subsidies from the state treasury, powerful financial and industrial monopolists multiplied their wealth.

Export of capital. International monopolies and the division of the world between them

Monopoly unions of capitalists of major powers began to enter into agreements with each other and create international cartels with the aim of dividing sales markets and areas of investment of capital. However, the creation of international monopolies did not lead to a weakening of imperialist contradictions. On the contrary, it was a step toward a new explosion of these contradictions based on an even more intense competitive struggle for the redivision of the world market. The struggle between two giant oil trusts - the Anglo-Dutch Royal Dutch Shell and the American Standard Oil - unfolded in Mexico, Indonesia, Venezuela, Romania, Galicia - wherever oil deposits were discovered, as well as in all oil markets. products. At the same time, international monopolies began to emerge in electrical engineering and some other industries. The struggle of monopolists for spheres of domination, for the “right” to enslave and plunder other peoples gave rise to constant clashes between imperialist powers, intertwined in a tangle of irreconcilable contradictions.

In the era of imperialism, the military-strategic role of colonies and dependent countries as strongholds and suppliers of cheap cannon fodder also increased. Even when a particular colony did not bring immediate economic or strategic benefits, the imperialist powers fought for its possession, since only monopoly ownership created a guarantee against the encroachments of rivals. At the beginning of the 20th century. The economic signs of a new historical stage in the development of capitalism have already fully developed: the dominance of monopolies, the formation of financial capital, the particularly important importance of the export of capital as opposed to the export of goods; the beginning of the economic division of the world by international capitalist unions, the completion of the territorial division of the world by the largest capitalist powers ( See V.I. Lenin, Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, Works, vol. 22, p. 253.).

In general, capitalism during this period developed immeasurably faster than before. But its growth lagged far behind the opportunities provided by the achievements of science and technology. The dominance of monopolies often became an obstacle to the introduction of scientific and technological achievements into production. The establishment of monopoly prices often eliminated incentives to technical progress. “Of course,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “the opportunity to reduce production costs and increase profits through the introduction of technical improvements acts in favor of changes. But the tendency towards stagnation and decay, characteristic of a monopoly, continues in turn to operate, and in certain branches of industry, in certain countries, for certain periods of time it takes over" ( Ibid., p. 263.).

Imperialism acted as a deeply reactionary force fighting against democracy and striving to consolidate its dominance and enslave the broad masses of the people. The content of the foreign and colonial policy of the imperialist powers was the desire to increase oppression over the overwhelming majority of humanity. Imperialism tried to imbue philosophy and history, literature and art to one degree or another with reactionary ideas, tastes and ideas of the ruling classes, instilled in order to corrupt the masses or distract them from the struggle for economic, political, social and national liberation. In particular, racial theory in its various variants occupied a large place in the ideology of imperialism: in Germany these were statements about the historical mission of the “German race”, supposedly designed to dominate the rest of the European peoples, especially the Slavic ones; in England and the United States - about the superiority of the “Anglo-Saxon race” over all peoples; in France - about the superiority of the “Latin race” and “Gallic culture”; In Japan, the idea of ​​its “divine mission” to lead China and, moreover, all of Asia took root. Racial theories aimed at justifying military and colonial aggression were one of the most typical and disgusting manifestations of the pernicious spirit that imperialism introduced into all spheres of social, political and spiritual life.

2. The first wars of the era of imperialism. The beginning of the struggle for the redivision of the world

With the advent of the era of imperialism, the struggle of the capitalist powers for the territorial division of the world gave way to an even more acute struggle for its redivision in accordance with the changed balance of forces. The “old” colonial powers - Great Britain, France, Russia - sought to maintain and further expand their empires. Germany, the United States of America, Japan and Italy, which had recently entered the arena of colonial politics, demanded their “place in the sun,” that is, their large share in the robbery of the peoples of colonial and semi-colonial countries. Entering into intense rivalry, the imperialist powers did not hesitate to use armed force. V.I. Lenin wrote that “under capitalism, any other basis for dividing spheres of influence, interests, colonies, etc., is unthinkable, except taking into account the strength of the participants in the division.. for the uniform development of individual enterprises, trusts, industries, countries under capitalism will be can't" ( V. I. Lenin, Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, Works, vol. 22, p. 281.). The inevitable companion of monopoly capitalism was the predatory imperialist wars it generated.

The advent of the era of monopoly capitalism was marked by three wars of an imperialist nature - the Spanish-American, Anglo-Boer and Russian-Japanese.

Spanish-American War 1898

The first of these wars was started by American imperialism. In an effort to acquire new colonies, he hoped to implement his plans by redistributing the colonial possessions of weaker and backward powers. To this end, the ruling circles of the United States decided to take advantage of the serious difficulties experienced by the decrepit Spanish monarchy. The islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean Sea, the Caroline and Mariana Islands, the Philippines, and the Palau islands on the continent were still under her rule. Spain's economic position in its colonies was undermined both from within - due to the backwardness of the Spanish economy, and from without - by the increased penetration of capital from other powers. At the same time, the population of the colonies waged a stubborn national liberation struggle against Spanish oppression. The liberation movement took on the largest proportions in Cuba and the Philippines. The uprising in Cuba began back in 1868. In 1878, the landowners and part of the bourgeoisie of Cuba entered into an agreement with the Spanish colonialists, and the movement was suppressed. But in 1895 a new uprising broke out in Cuba, and in 1896 in the Philippines.

Cuba and Puerto Rico attracted the attention of the ruling circles of the United States not only as a valuable source of raw materials ( sugar cane) and a profitable area for investing capital, but also as a strategic key on the approaches to Central America and the Caribbean, to the Isthmus of Panama, through which it was planned to dig a canal. In the Pacific, American imperialism has set its sights on the Philippine Islands to pave the way for the markets of East Asia.

The reason for the Spanish-American War was the liberation uprising in Cuba. Having launched hypocritical propaganda against “Spanish atrocities,” the American imperialists especially successfully used the news that on February 15, 1898, an explosion occurred under mysterious circumstances on the American ship Maine, which was stationed off Havana. All attempts by the Spanish government to avoid armed conflict were in vain. The American government consistently led the way to war. At the same time, it counted on the fact that other imperialist states, including England and Germany, would not be able to interfere with it due to the deep contradictions between them. Moreover, England, busy at this time with its own colonial expansion, especially in South Africa, was interested in a rapprochement with the United States. The German government's efforts to put together an anti-American diplomatic coalition of European powers failed. On April 20, 1898, the United States presented Spain with a deliberately harsh ultimatum. The ultimatum demanded that Spain abandon Cuba. Despite the fact that Spain was ready to make concessions, American imperialist circles started a war. Military operations began on April 21, 1898. On this day, the American fleet blocked Cuba. At the same time, Cuban rebels waged a successful fight against the Spanish garrisons. After the American fleet, taking advantage of its triple superiority, destroyed the Spanish squadron sent to the shores of Cuba, American troops began active operations. However, the main burden of the struggle fell on the shoulders of the Cuban rebels. However, when the Spanish authorities capitulated, the Americans removed the Cuban representatives from the negotiations. Having thrown off the mask of fighters for the liberation of the Cuban people, the United States occupied Cuba.

Events of the same nature developed in the Philippines. Long before the start of the war, the American naval command ordered the Pacific Squadron to be ready for an attack on the Philippines. On May 1, the Spanish fleet, consisting of outdated, poorly equipped and poorly armed wooden ships, was burned and sunk in Manila Bay.

By this time, the American military authorities had established contact with the leaders of the Philippine junta (Aguinaldo and others) who were in exile and brought them to the Philippines, hoping to take advantage of the national liberation movement of the Filipino people against the Spanish colonialists. In a stubborn struggle, the Filipino people eliminated Spanish rule and formed an independent Philippine Republic. The participation of American troops in the expulsion of the Spanish garrisons was insignificant. But American military authorities prevented the Filipino rebels from occupying Manila. Having agreed with the Spanish command on its surrender, they launched a stage-like assault to demonstrate their supposedly decisive role in the defeat of the Spanish forces and thereby ensure the future annexation of the Philippines.

On December 10, 1898, a Spanish-American peace treaty was concluded in Paris, according to which Cuba was declared “independent”, but in fact fell under an American protectorate. The Philippine Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam, the largest of the Mariana Islands, were ceded to the United States.

The Filipino people rose up to fight for their independence. The colonial war of American imperialism against the Philippine Republic was long and brutal. American troops burned settlements, devastated entire areas and mercilessly killed residents.

The German imperialists also took part in the division of the Spanish colonies. In February 1899, Germany forced Spain to sell it the Caroline, Mariana (excluding Guam) and Palau islands. In the same year, the United States of America and Germany divided the Samoan archipelago, and the island of Tituila and some other, smaller ones went to the United States. Together with the previously captured Hawaiian Islands, these new American possessions formed a system of support bases in the Pacific Ocean - on the approaches to Japan and Korea, China and Southeast Asia.

Boer War

At the end of the 90s, the ruling circles of England were busy preparing soldiers in South Africa. Large English capitalist companies interested in the gold and diamond mines of the Transvaal and the Orange Republic did not abandon their plans to seize the Boer states. The British government was forced, however, at first to take into account possible opposition from Germany, economic and political influence which in the Boer republics was quite significant. In an effort to eliminate or weaken the influence of their German rival in South Africa, the British imperialists decided to support his expansionist policy in the Middle East (in particular, the project for the construction of the Baghdad railway).

In March 1899, Cecil Rohde came to Berlin, where, in negotiations with the German government, he revealed England's intention to seize the Boer republics and build a trans-African railway from Cape Town to Cairo. “But,” he said, “Germany can operate in Asia Minor without damage.” Thus, plans for the redistribution of spheres of influence in South Africa and Western Asia were intertwined. Following this, in the spring and summer of 1899, J. Chamberlain and the Governor of the Cape Colony, Milner, began to provoke the Transvaal, openly interfering in its internal affairs and putting forward more and more new political demands, in the hope that they would be rejected by the Boers. For his part, Transvaal President Kruger, understanding the inevitability of war, but wanting to gain time necessary to purchase weapons from European countries, entered into negotiations with England. In the fall of 1899, the British government concentrated troops near the borders of the Boer republics. To prevent the impending invasion, the Boers declared war on England in October 1899 and began military operations. Developing an energetic offensive, they defeated large detachments of the British and captured part of the Cape Colony.

Bourgeois public opinion in England was shocked by what happened. The imperialist press created an atmosphere of “national tragedy.” Lord Roberts was appointed commander of the South African troops, and Kitchener, who had advanced during the conquest of Sudan, was appointed chief of his staff.

The Boers who defended their independence showed great tenacity and courage. However, resources British Empire and the two small Boer republics were too unequal. Despite the first victories, the 60,000-strong Boer army could not withstand the 450,000-strong enemy army. In addition, continuing the policy of oppression and exploitation of the indigenous population of the country, the Boers withdrew significant forces from the front and sent them to the rear to suppress the uprising of local tribes that had begun.

In February 1900, a systematic offensive by the British began. In June, British troops captured the Transvaal capital, Pretoria. Roberts proclaimed the annexation of the Transvaal and the Orange Republic to the British Empire. President Kruger was forced to emigrate to Europe.

Nevertheless the Boers continued to resist; guerrilla warfare began.

Mobile detachments of Boers under the command of Louis Botha, Smuts and De Beth interrupted English communications, attacked British detachments, captured strongholds, and carried out daring raids even in the immediate vicinity of the capital. The protection of railways, concentration and supply bases required a huge number of troops, which were dispersed over a large area. The occupiers suffered losses in endless skirmishes.

In the fight against the Boers, the British command acted mercilessly. The strongholds of the guerrilla war - farms - were destroyed, the population was herded into camps behind barbed wire, where people, especially children, died in the thousands from hunger and disease.

Blockhouses were set up along the railroads at gunshot distance, and anyone approaching the railroad tracks was shot. Using his colossal numerical superiority, Kitchener methodically pushed the Boer detachments into barbed wire pens and forced them to surrender.

The peace treaty was signed on May 31, 1902. The Boers became British subjects. The English financial oligarchy achieved the accession of a new source of major profits to the empire. In 1910, the former Transvaal and Orange republics became part of the new British dominion - the Union of South Africa. The British colonialists managed to achieve rapprochement with the top of the Boers thanks to the jointly pursued policy of oppression of the indigenous African population and immigrants - the Chinese and Indians.

Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905

An important source of imperialist contradictions at the beginning of the 20th century. The Far East appeared. Already in the last years of the 19th century, after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the struggle of powers for influence in China, as well as in Korea, intensified.

Immediately after the end of the Sino-Japanese War, the ruling circles of Japan began to prepare for a new war, this time against Russia, hoping to oust it from Manchuria (Northeast China) and Korea and at the same time seize Russian territories in the Far East, in particular Sakhalin.

On the other hand, among the ruling circles of Tsarist Russia, the desire for expansion in Northern China and Korea intensified. For this purpose, with the participation of French capital, the Russian-Chinese Bank was created in 1895, in the board of which the Tsarist Ministry of Finance played a decisive role.

At the same time, it was decided to begin construction of a section of the Siberian Railway that would pass through Chinese territory. The initiator of this project, Minister of Finance S. Yu. Witte, believed that Russia's receipt of a concession for the construction of this road would open up wide opportunities for economic penetration and strengthening of Russia's political influence throughout Northern China. After lengthy negotiations, the tsarist government obtained China's consent to grant a concession. At the insistence of the Chinese side, the concession was formally transferred not to the Russian government, but to the Russian-Chinese Bank, which, in order to implement it, created the “Society of the Chinese Eastern Railway”. The signing of the concession agreement (September 8, 1896) opened new stage in the Far Eastern policy of tsarism and in the development of contradictions between Russia and Japan, which also sought to seize the North-Eastern provinces of China.

The situation was complicated by the fact that Russian-Japanese rivalry had also intensified in Korea by this time. According to the agreement signed in Seoul on May 14, 1896, Japan and Russia received the right to maintain their troops in Korea, and the agreement signed in Moscow on June 9 of the same year recognized mutually equal rights in this country for both powers. By founding the Russian-Korean Bank and sending military instructors and a financial adviser to Seoul, the tsarist government at first actually acquired greater political influence in Korea than Japan. But soon Japan, relying on the support of England, began to oust Russia. The tsarist government was forced to recognize Japan's predominant economic interests in Korea, close the Russian-Korean Bank and recall its financial adviser to the Korean king. “We have clearly given Korea under the dominant influence of Japan,” is how Witte assessed the situation.

After Germany captured Jiaozhou and the struggle for the division of China intensified between the main capitalist powers, the tsarist government occupied Lushun (Port Arthur) and Dalian (Dalian), and in March 1898 achieved the conclusion of an agreement with China on the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula, the occupation of the leased territory by Russian troops and granting a concession for the construction of a branch from the Chinese Eastern Railway to Port Arthur and Dalniy. In turn, the ruling circles of Japan accelerated preparations for a new, broader expansion, hoping to complete these preparations before Russia completed the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway. “War became inevitable,” General Kuropatkin later wrote, “but we did not realize this and did not adequately prepare for it.”

The popular uprising of the Yihetuan and imperialist intervention in China further aggravated the contradictions between the powers, in particular between Russia and Japan. European powers, as well as the United States of America, played a significant role in the growth of the Russian-Japanese conflict. In preparation for war with Russia, the Japanese government sought allies and sought to isolate Russia in the international arena. England, Russia’s long-time rival not only in China, but also in the Near and Middle East, became such an ally.

In January 1902, an agreement on the Anglo-Japanese alliance was signed, directed primarily against Russia. Thanks to the alliance with England, Japan could begin to implement its aggressive plans in the Far East, confident that neither France nor Germany would interfere in its conflict with Russia. On the other hand, England had the opportunity, with the help of Japan, to inflict a serious blow on Russia and, in addition, to a certain extent strengthen its influence in Europe in the fight against a new rival - Germany.

The ruling circles of the United States of America also hoped, with the help of Japan, to weaken Russia's influence in the Far East and strengthen their own influence in China (in particular, Manchuria) and Korea. To this end, the American imperialists were prepared to provide Japan with far-reaching support. In turn, Germany, seeking to undermine or weaken the alliance between France and Russia, as well as to free its hands in Europe and create more favorable conditions for its penetration into the Middle East, secretly pushed both Russia and Japan to war against each other. Thus, the planned war against Russia corresponded to the interests of not only Japanese, but also British, American and German imperialism.

The tsarist government, convinced that the international situation was developing unfavorably for Russia, decided to sign an agreement with China (April 8, 1902), according to which the Chinese government received the opportunity to restore its power in Manchuria, “as it was before the occupation of the designated area by Russian troops " The tsarist government even pledged to withdraw its troops from there within a year and a half. However, under the influence of court and military circles, the most typical representative of which was the clever businessman Bezobrazov, an aggressive, adventurist course prevailed in the Far Eastern policy of tsarism. The Bezobrazov clique sought concessions in Korea and insisted that the tsarist government keep Manchuria in its hands at any cost. The war with Japan was also supported by that part of the ruling circles that saw in this war a means of preventing the revolution that was brewing in Russia.

Another group, led by Witte, was also a supporter of expansion in the Far East, but believed that at the moment it was necessary to act primarily by economic methods. Knowing that Russia was not prepared for war, Witte wanted to delay it. In the end, the policy of tsarism was won by the course of military adventure. Exposing the Far Eastern policy of Russian tsarism, Lenin wrote: “Who benefits from this policy? It benefits a handful of capitalist bigwigs who conduct trade with China, a handful of manufacturers producing goods for the Asian market, a handful of contractors who are now making a lot of money on urgent military orders... This policy is beneficial to a handful of nobles who occupy high positions in the civil and military service. They need a policy of adventure, because in it they can curry favor, make a career, and glorify themselves with “exploits.” Our government does not hesitate to sacrifice the interests of the entire people to the interests of this handful of capitalists and bureaucratic scoundrels" ( V. I. Lenin, Chinese war, Soch., vol. 4, pp. 349-350.).

The ruling circles of Japan were well informed about Russia's unpreparedness for war in the Far East. Covering up their true, aggressive goals with all sorts of diplomatic tricks in negotiations with Russia, the Japanese militarists led the way to war.

On the night of February 9, 1904, a Japanese squadron under the command of Admiral Togo treacherously, without declaring war, attacked the Russian fleet stationed in Port Arthur. It was not until February 10, 1904 that Japan formally declared war on Russia. Thus began the Russo-Japanese War, which was of an imperialist nature both on the part of Japan and on the part of Tsarist Russia.

By launching active operations at sea and weakening the Russian naval forces with unexpected attacks, the Japanese command secured favorable conditions for the transfer and deployment of the main ground forces on the Asian mainland. Simultaneously with the attack on Port Arthur, the Japanese command undertook landing operations in Korea. The Russian cruiser "Varyag" and the gunboat "Koreets", located in the Korean port of Chemulpo, were sunk by Russian sailors after a heroic unequal struggle. On April 13, 1904, near Port Arthur, the Russian battleship "Petropavlovsk" was hit by a mine and sank, on which was the newly appointed commander of the Pacific Fleet, an outstanding naval commander, Vice Admiral S. O. Makarov (his friend, the wonderful artist V. V. Vereshchagin). At the end of April, having concentrated large forces in the north of Korea, the Japanese army defeated Russian troops on the Yalu River and invaded Manchuria. At the same time, large Japanese forces (two armies) landed on the Liaodong Peninsula - north of Port Arthur - and put the fortress under siege.

The sudden attack of Japan forced Russia to start a war in conditions when the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway and large structures in Port Arthur had not yet been completed. The course and results of the war were affected by Russia's military and economic backwardness.

At the beginning of September 1904, the tsarist army suffered a major setback at Liao-yang. Both sides suffered significant losses. The besieged Port Arthur defended itself for a long time and stubbornly. However, on January 2, 1905, the commander of the fortress, General Stessel, surrendered Port Arthur to the Japanese.

The fall of Port Arthur received wide international response. In progressive circles around the world it was regarded as a severe defeat for Russian tsarism. V.I. Lenin wrote about the fall of Port Arthur: “It was not the Russian people, but the autocracy that came to a shameful defeat. The Russian people benefited from the defeat of the autocracy. The capitulation of Port Arthur is the prologue to the capitulation of tsarism" ( V. I. Lenin, The Fall of Port Arthur, Soch., vol. 8, p. 37.).

In March 1905, the last major land battle took place near Mukden (Shenyang). The main forces were brought into battle. The Japanese command sought to implement its plan of enveloping the Russian army from the flanks. This plan failed. However, the commander of the Russian army, General Kuropatkin, ordered the troops to retreat. The retreat was carried out in an atmosphere of disorganization and panic. The Battle of Mukden was a major setback for the tsarist army. On May 27-28, 1905, a new military disaster, difficult for Tsarist Russia, occurred: a Russian squadron under the command of Rozhdestvensky, which arrived in the Far East from the Baltic Sea, was destroyed in the Tsushima Strait.

Despite its military successes, Japan was under extreme stress; its financial and human reserves were running low. Under these conditions, as the Japanese imperialists understood, prolongation of the war became extremely undesirable and even dangerous. By the summer of 1905, the international situation had also changed. The ruling circles of England and the United States, which had themselves previously instigated the war between Japan and Russia, now wanted to end it as quickly as possible. England intended to concentrate its forces against its German rival. In addition, in view of the rise of the national movement in India, she sought to introduce new conditions into the alliance treaty with Japan, providing for Japan's participation in the protection of British colonies in East Asia. The United States of America hoped that the mutual weakening of Russia and Japan would create greater opportunities for American expansion in the Far East. In negotiations with the Japanese government, they declared themselves an unofficial participant in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and expressed their willingness to recognize the seizure of Korea by Japan, provided that Japan guaranteed the United States the inviolability of the Philippines they had captured. In March 1905, the American government put forward a proposal to buy out the railways in Manchuria and place them under “international control,” in which American monopolies would play a major role. Later, powerful groups of American finance capital, involved in financing Japan during the war, laid claim to the right to operate the South Manchurian Railway.

On June 8, 1905, United States President Theodore Roosevelt proposed peace negotiations between Russia and Japan. The tsarist government willingly took advantage of Roosevelt's offer, as it needed peace to strengthen the fight against the unfolding revolution.

Russo-Japanese peace negotiations began in Portsmouth (USA) in August 1905. With the support of the United States and England, the Japanese delegation made enormous demands in Portsmouth. In particular, Japan expected to receive military indemnity from Russia and part of Russian territory - Sakhalin Island. The negotiators' focus was on these two basic Japanese demands. As for Manchuria and Korea, tsarism from the very beginning agreed to recognize the dominant position of Japan in the southern part of Manchuria and actually renounced all claims to Korea. Faced with opposition from the Russian Commissioner Witte on the issue of Sakhalin and indemnity, the Japanese Commissioner Komura threatened to break off the negotiations. T. Roosevelt, acting as a “mediator,” began to put pressure on Russia, trying to extract concessions from it in favor of Japan. The governments of Germany and France acted behind the scenes in the same direction. When the Tsarist government rejected Japanese demands for territorial concessions and indemnities, the Japanese government invited Komura to sign a peace treaty. However, without knowing this, the Tsar at the last moment agreed to cede the southern half of Sakhalin Island and pay the cost of keeping Russian prisoners of war in Japan.

On September 5, 1905, the Treaty of Portsmouth was signed. He transferred part of Chinese territory into the hands of Japan - the so-called Kwantung leased area with Port Arthur and the southern branch of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Japan received half of Sakhalin Island (south of the 50th parallel), as well as fishing rights in Russian territorial waters. A Japanese protectorate was actually established over Korea.

The defeat of Tsarist Russia in the war with Japan had a serious impact on the balance of power of the imperialist powers not only in the Far East, but also in Europe. At the same time, it accelerated the development of revolutionary events in Russia.

The advent of the era of imperialism was accompanied by a change in the balance of power of the great powers on the world stage, which found expression in the struggle for the redivision of an already divided world. One of the initiators of this struggle in the last years of the 19th - early 20th centuries.

German imperialism took over. Therefore, from this time on, Anglo-German antagonism occupies one of the leading places in world politics. It covered a wide range of issues. Anglo-German interests collided in the Balkans and the Middle East, Africa and Asia. For example, Germany, which remained until late XIX V. essentially a land power, at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. decides to build a large navy. Beginning in 1898, the German Reichstag adopted a number of laws that outlined a program for the accelerated construction of powerful military courts. According to the law of 1900, the German fleet must consist of 32 battleships , 11 heavy and 34 light cruisers and about 100 destroyers, not counting a significant number of other types of naval warships. Relying on the growing navy and the increasing economic power of the state, the German monopolies began an active struggle to redistribute the world. One of the forms of imperialist expansionist policy was the so-called “peaceful penetration”. The first step in this direction was the implementation of the project to build the Baghdad Railway from Constantinople through Baghdad to the Persian Gulf. It is characteristic that Georg von Siemens, director of the Deutsche Bank, became the head of the Anatolian Railway Society. In October 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm II traveled to the East. Wilhelm II was accompanied by Siemens and other representatives of the German financial oligarchy. This trip was a demonstration of further economic growth expansion of German monopolies and banks. As a result, the construction of the Constantinople-Baghdad railway line was carried out using forced methods. The second most important direction of the aggressive foreign policy of German imperialism was Germany's participation in the division of China. Together with other imperialist powers, primarily with the United States of America, Germany initiated the parcel. to China by the expeditionary force of the European powers and the United States to suppress the popular uprising. At the farewell to the German expeditionary force to China, which departed from Bremerhaven on July 27, 1900, Wilhelm II called on the soldiers not to take prisoners, to mercilessly destroy the Chinese and behave like a thousand. years ago the Huns led. This speech of the Kaiser, like a number of others, was called the “Hun speeches,” in which the expansionist imperialist ideology and policy of the German Empire was formulated in an open form. German imperialism, however, was not satisfied with “peaceful penetration.” He clearly realized that “peaceful means” alone would not be enough, especially since he considered himself deprived. Germany began colonial conquests only in the mid-80s. Over the past quarter century, it has captured colonial possessions with a total area of ​​almost 3 million square meters. km with a population of over 12 million people. These seizures did not satisfy the greedy appetites of the German monopolies and finance capital. Therefore, the government of William II undertook in the early 900s. a whole series of international actions, the purpose of which was an attempt to provocatively subjugate territories that had previously been seized by other states. This concerned primarily two conflicts, in 1905 and 1911. in connection with the crisis around Morocco, which led to a pan-European crisis and almost became the reason for the outbreak of a European war. During the first decade of the 20th century. Two gigantic military-political groupings are finally taking shape - the Entente and the Triple Alliance. The latter was headed by imperialist Germany, which set a course for preparing a world war.

In the 1990s, the US government began to intensify its policies in the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. In 1893, the Hawaiian Islands were occupied. In April 1898, the United States began a war against Spain in order to acquire Spanish colonies. In 1895, a rebellion broke out in Cuba against Spanish rule. Cuba has always had important strategic importance on the approaches to the Isthmus of Panama and the Gulf of Mexico, which washes the southern coast of the United States. Back in 1849, the US government offered Spain to sell Cuba to it for $100 million. Now the United States decided to take advantage of the uprising to start a war against Spain.

In the United States, agitation began against Spanish cruelties and crimes. In the spring of 1898, the US government secretly sent a senator to Cuba with instructions to familiarize itself with the situation on the island. Upon his return in March 1898, he made a lengthy speech in the Senate; in it he exposed the atrocities of the Spanish authorities, as well as the poverty and hunger of the Cuban population. The speech ended with a call to declare war on Spain. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee began studying the issue of damage suffered by American citizens during the unrest in Cuba.

Then an explosion arrived on the American cruiser Maine, which was stationed in the roadstead in Havanna. The United States attributed the explosion to the Spaniards and rejected Spain's proposed investigation and referral of the case to arbitration. On April 6, at the request of Spain, the great European powers intervened in the Spanish-American conflict. However, it took the form of a completely innocent collective note presented by the ambassadors of the powers in Washington. The powers called on “the President and people of the United States” to be guided in their relations with Spain by “feelings of humanity and moderation.”

The US government's response was not without humor. It said that the United States appreciated the friendly nature of the appeal of the European powers, that they would act guided precisely by the principles of “humanity,” and that in its name they would try to quickly put an end to the situation that had arisen in Cuba...

The US government knew well that Europe did not want the United States to strengthen. But it also knew that given the mutual rivalry of the European powers, they would not agree on joint intervention, and none of them would dare to act separately for fear of pushing the United States towards rapprochement with any of its rivals. And the US was calm. President McKinley presented Spain with new demands in addition to those it had previously accepted - a common diplomatic technique used when they want to cause a conflict at all costs. Now the United States was demanding the evacuation of Cuba. This, of course, Spanish diplomacy could not accept. War became inevitable. On April 21, diplomatic relations between Spain and the United States were severed, and then first (23rd) the Spanish government, then (25th) the US Congress declared a state of war. None of the European powers intervened in favor of Spain.

The United States won a quick victory, defeating the Spanish army and navy. On December 10, 1898, the Spanish-American Peace was signed in Paris. Spain refused to give up Cuba, and the island was soon declared “independent.” In fact, it fell under US protectorate. Porto Rico, Guam and the Philippines, according to the peace treaty, were transferred to the United States. As already noted, Germany also laid claim to the Philippines. However, German imperialism had to be content with less. The German government only achieved that Spain sold it the islands located in the Pacific Ocean that still remained in its possession - the Caroline, Mariana and Palau.

The Spanish-American War was a kind of milestone in world politics. Until now, there has been a division of territories that have not yet been captured by any of the European states. Now the United States was acquiring colonies that belonged to Spain. The Spanish-American War was the first war not for partition, but for the redivision of the world.

Less than a year after hostilities ceased in the Western Hemisphere, a new war has already broken out - this time in South Africa.

As a pretext for war, English diplomacy chose the issue of the position of the so-called Uitlanders. This was the name given to the foreigners, mostly English, who flooded the Transvaal after the discovery of gold mines in the Witwatersrand. The Boer government denied these profit-seekers full political rights. It was from this question that British diplomacy decided to create a casus belli.

British diplomacy negotiated with the Boer governments in such a way that its goal was completely obvious: it clearly sought to bring the matter to a break. At the same time, she needed time to accustom English public opinion to the idea of ​​the inevitability of war. As soon as the Boers accepted certain demands of British diplomacy, the British immediately presented new ones. Their direct goal was not to let the conflict die out. Knowing that England's military preparations were not yet completed, both Boer governments decided that the British should not be allowed to gain time. On October 11, 1899, the Boers declared war on England. After a stubborn struggle, British troops occupied both capitals of the Boer republics - Pretoria and Bloemfontein. But soon the British had to make sure that the enemy’s resistance was far from broken. The Boers began a guerrilla war. The British turned out to be masters only of those points where their military units were stationed. All around stretched a hostile country, which was swarming with partisan detachments. They constantly threatened British communications and did not allow the British to move any further from the location of their units. Since England, having a huge fleet, had an insignificant army, it turned out to be very difficult to cope with the Boer partisans. Up to 250 thousand people had to be transferred to South Africa. It took 31 months of stubborn struggle until peace was finally signed on May 31, 1902. The Boers were forced to renounce their independence and recognize themselves as subjects of the British crown. However, they managed to carve out internal autonomy for themselves.

Military failures dealt a sensitive blow to England's military and, at the same time, international political prestige. The Anglo-Boer War began at the time of another aggravation of both Anglo-Russian and Anglo-French relations. In France, anti-British propaganda after Fashoda reached its climax: part of the press was already proclaiming the slogans “Nile for the Rhine”, “Pyramids for Strasbourg Cathedral”. The British government feared that France and Russia might take advantage of the difficulties created for England by the Boer War.

To paralyze the possibility of interference by the powers of the continent in Anglo-Boer relations, the British government continued negotiations on an alliance with Germany. It was necessary at all costs to prevent the possibility of a conspiracy between both continental groups. Without confidence in Germany's benevolent attitude, neither Russia, nor especially France, would have decided on an open conflict with England.

Wilhelm and his government realized that England needed German friendship. They tried not to miss the favorable moment. The agreement on the division of the Portuguese colonies did not satisfy them; in essence, it contained only promises for the future. The Germans wanted to extract more tangible colonial benefits from England's difficulties.

The unrest that began in 1898 on the Samoan Islands gave German diplomacy a reason to raise the issue of dividing this archipelago. Since 1889, a condominium of three powers was established over the Samoan islands - Germany, England and the USA. Now the German government decided to take the archipelago, or at least part of it, into its full possession: it hoped to create a naval base there for its fleet in Pacific waters. The British government really did not want to give Samoa to Germany. The German proposal to divide the archipelago met with opposition from Australia and New Zealand. British diplomacy tried in every possible way to mobilize the United States to counter German plans.

Suddenly, German diplomacy had the opportunity to use for its own purposes the behind-the-scenes connections of one of the most influential capitalists in England.

In the spring of 1899, Cecil Rode arrived in Europe to work on the implementation of a project with which he had been rushing for several years. The matter was about the construction of railway and telegraph lines from Kapa to Cairo. In fact, a rail track had to be laid from Bulawayo and Rhodesia to a connection with the Egyptian railway network, for the road from Kapa to Bulawayo had already been built. Rohde sought from the English government a state guarantee for the bonds of this road. However, despite all his connections, he did not receive such a guarantee. The construction of a telegraph line was a simpler undertaking, but there were difficulties in this matter as well. Like the proposed railway, the telegraph line would partly pass through foreign territory - either through the Belgian Congo or through German East Africa. Rohde went to Brussels, but he failed to come to an agreement with King Leopold.

Then the German government invited Rhodes to Berlin. Here he met the Kaiser. Rhodes was given consent to conduct a telegraph through German territory; The Germans did not refuse to negotiate about the railway when Rhodes had the opportunity to start this business. For his part, Rode promised to lobby in London about the concession of Samoa to the Germans. Rohde kept his promise. However, he failed to sway either Chamberlain or Salisbury, although Germany achieved the consent of the United States.

Negotiations between London and Berlin took a sharp turn. The Germans threatened either Russian-German or Franco-German rapprochement. The British learned that Bülow was ready to break off diplomatic relations. William pointedly refused an already announced visit to England for the Cowes boat race.

In the end, given the difficulties associated with the Boer War, Salisbury decided to concede. On November 14, 1899, an agreement was signed under which Germany received two islands from the Samoan archipelago; the other two islands of this archipelago were transferred to the United States. England renounced all claims to Samoa; for this she acquired the islands of Tonga, part of the Solomon Islands and a small disputed territory on the border of the Anglo-German possessions in Togo, in Africa.

The conflict over Samoa led to extreme irritation on both sides. In Germany, both the government and the press were furious at the British reluctance to give up even a little of their colonial monopoly. In England they were outraged by the persistence of German attempts on this monopoly. "German policy is open blackmail," Chamberlain wrote to Salisbury in September 1899.

One way or another, another conflict was resolved. In November 1899, Wilhelm, accompanied by Bülow, finally arrived in Windsor; The Kaiser was already late for the competition in Cowes.

Chamberlain again spoke to the Germans about an alliance. In exchange for a military alliance against Russia, which would force it to stop its expansion in the Far East, Chamberlain offered Germany a part of Morocco and support in building the Baghdad road. As in 1898, the Kaiser and Bülow responded that they could not quarrel with Russia. For their part, they proposed expanding agreements on colonial problems, which began with the agreements on Portuguese possessions and on the Samoan islands. Thus, nothing came of the alliance negotiations again.

Be that as it may, Germany remained neutral throughout the Boer War. But German diplomacy, following its policy of arson, incited other powers to oppose England. These suggestions bore fruit.

Already at the end of February 1900, the Russian Foreign Minister Muravyov probed the French government about the possibility of a joint action against England. Delcasse agreed, but on the condition that Russia would come to an agreement with Germany. Without confidence in the security of its eastern border, France did not dare to enter into conflict with the “mistress of the seas.” However, Delcasse gave his consent reluctantly: he agreed to Muravyov’s proposal only in order not to weaken the Franco-Russian alliance. Be that as it may, alarming rumors spread in England about the possibility of a French invasion of the British Isles.

After negotiations with Delcasse, Muravyov turned to Berlin. Here he was told that Germany could take part in the anti-English coalition only if France, Germany and Russia mutually guarantee each other their possessions, in other words, if France renounces its claims to Alsace and Lorraine. Muravyov objected that the French government, having taken such a step, would not last even one day in office.

German diplomacy hastened to extract its profit from negotiations with Muravyov. Wilhelm II decided to use this incident to further complicate Anglo-Russian relations. He began to boast to the British that it was no one else like him who saved England from the formation of a hostile coalition. The Kaiser informed the Queen and the Prince of Wales about Muravyov's proposal. But Russian diplomacy was not asleep either: it, in turn, notified the British that the Germans themselves offered Russia intervention in favor of the Boers, but that Russia avoided this.

Intervention by European powers in Anglo-Boer War did not take place. Alsace-Lorraine outweighed all colonial problems: the continental bloc turned out to be unfeasible.

However, England's rivals still managed to benefit from the predicament of British imperialism. The tsarist government achieved new successes in Central Asia. On February 6, 1900, the Russian government informed the British cabinet that the needs of trade and territorial proximity to Afghanistan did not allow Russia to further refrain from direct political relations with this country. Previously, Russian troops were concentrated on the Afghan border. The Anglo-Indian Army was weakened by the sending of many units to South Africa. The situation was such that England had to swallow a pill. Soon, relying on Russia, the new emir, Habibula, who ascended the throne in 1901, pointedly refused the British subsidy. In Persia, where there was also an Anglo-Russian struggle for influence, Russian diplomacy also achieved significant success. In January 1900, Russia provided Persia with a loan, the security of which was the customs duties of the northern part of the country.

General history [Civilization. Modern concepts. Facts, events] Dmitrieva Olga Vladimirovna

Formation of blocs and the beginning of the struggle for the redivision of the world

The Franco-Prussian War, which ended with the defeat of France, gave rise to many problems. Bismarck very soon realized that French society would never come to terms with the humiliation suffered and would strive for revenge. Indeed, almost all political forces in France, with the exception of the socialists, were unanimous in their desire to repay Germany for the national catastrophe. Bismarck was forced to hurry, because France was actively working to restore its potential. Unlike 1870, when France found itself isolated, now all the great powers watched with great suspicion the actions of the sharply strengthened German Empire. In this situation, Bismarck saw a way out in creating a split in the camp of the great powers and enlisting the support of any of them, in other words, in creating a stable anti-French alliance in Europe.

The problem was who would be practical and feasible to involve in this alliance. There was no unity among the ruling elite of the German Empire on this issue. Bismarck's eyes first turned to Austria-Hungary. After the military defeat, she was increasingly forced to follow the lead of German politics. His opponents rightly pointed out that the conclusion of an Austro-German alliance could stimulate Franco-Russian rapprochement and, as a result, Germany would be squeezed into a very dangerous vice.

Bismarck, however, insisted on his own, and in 1879 an alliance treaty was signed between the German Empire and Austria-Hungary. It must be said that Bismarck’s opponents were right - with this treaty, Germany did not at all strengthen its position: it did not receive any additional guarantees of its security, it took as an ally a obviously weaker state, which had a lot of contradictions with its neighbors, and increased the level of conflict in relations with Russia and pushed it towards rapprochement with France. As a result of this reckless step, tensions in Europe increased and the first, but very important step was taken towards its split into opposing blocs.

In 1882, Italy joined this alliance, and thus the Triple Alliance became a reality. It was an openly aggressive bloc aimed at destroying the existing status quo and establishing its hegemony on a global scale. Instead of European unity, the defining trend in the development of the European community was its polarization, the pace of which was steadily increasing.

France also contributed to this process, especially its Minister of War, General Boulanger. His extremely harsh attacks against Germany and calls to take revenge on her for humiliation at any cost brought him great popularity in France. Representatives of the ultranationalists grouped around him. The movement he led quickly gained momentum, becoming a serious political force in France. They even started tipping him to become a dictator. The peak of his movement occurred in 1889, when France really found itself on the brink coup d'etat. However, this attempt failed. Boulanger fled abroad, where he soon committed suicide.

Bismarck closely watched developments in France. Boulanger’s extremist attacks were to his advantage: they allowed him to assert that Germany was increasing its military efforts solely for defensive purposes, in order to protect itself from the “warlike Gauls.” In Germany, a new military law was passed, increasing appropriations for the army and navy. At the same time, Bismarck was afraid of the possibility of a war on two fronts - against France and Russia at the same time. In the mid-80s, he came to the conclusion that it was necessary to balance his policy towards Russia in order to prevent a Franco-Russian rapprochement.

In the summer of 1887, the Austro-Russian-German neutrality treaty expired. Russia, which had accumulated many claims against Austria-Hungary, refused to revive it in its previous form. Then Bismarck suggested that Russia conclude a so-called “reinsurance agreement.” However, the emerging attempt at Russian-German rapprochement, which could radically change the entire situation in Europe, did not develop. Bismarck decided too late to adjust Germany's foreign policy course: by this time, many contradictions had already accumulated in Russian-German relations that prevented the rapprochement of these two sides.

It is possible to identify three main points of contradiction in Russian-German relations of that period. The interests of the two countries came into serious conflict in Bulgaria. Russian diplomacy believed that Bulgaria, which emerged with the direct support of Russia, would become, together with Serbia, its stronghold in the Balkans. However, Germany also sought to penetrate Bulgaria. The Balkans occupied an increasingly important place in its foreign policy plans, and that is why German diplomacy made active attempts to create centers of its influence in this region. In 1887, with the support of Berlin, Prince Ferdinand of Coburg was elevated to the Bulgarian throne. From this moment on, Bulgaria's foreign policy orientation began to change rapidly. Essentially, Russia has lost many of its positions in the Balkans, and its ability to influence the situation there has been noticeably reduced. It is clear that all this caused serious irritation in the ruling elite of Russia and did not contribute to the strengthening of Russian-German contacts.

Secondly, Russia at that time was in dire need of loans for the construction of railways, the development of new industrial regions (such as Donbass, Southern Ukraine), and the modernization of old ones. However, it was not possible to reach an agreement with German banks on the provision of large loans, since at the same time the extremely capacious German domestic market required constant and massive financial injections, promised high returns and worked to increase the total power of the Fatherland. Naturally, in the conditions of nationalist euphoria that German society was experiencing at that time, lending to Russia to the detriment of development domestic market Germany was out of the question. But the financial empire of the Rothschilds and other large banks of France and Belgium immediately responded to Russia’s need for loans, and it was from that moment that a solid economic foundation was laid for the emerging Franco-Russian rapprochement.

Thirdly, from the end of the 70s, the Russian-German conflict around the problem of customs duties began to escalate. And here the interests of individual social groups(junkers, Russian landowners - exporters of agricultural products) outweighed state interests and prevented them from finding a solution to the problem that suited both sides. As a result, not only were there no changes for the better in Russian-German relations, but, on the contrary, there was an accumulation of conflict potential.

In 1888, Wilhelm I died, and after a very short stay in power of Frederick II, Wilhelm II became German Emperor. Almost immediately, he had serious disagreements with Bismarck, who for many years led Germany's foreign and domestic policy practically uncontrollably. The conflict ended in 1890 with the resignation of Bismarck. Wilhelm II sought to keep the reins of state affairs in his hands. He looked at many issues differently than Bismarck political life, including what imperatives Germany should be guided by in the international arena. William II was an ardent supporter of active colonial expansion. He believed that Germany's future depended on how strong its position in Africa, the Pacific and the Middle East was. Warnings from the “old guard” of German diplomats that overly hasty and ill-considered actions in resolving these issues could lead to serious complications did not frighten the new emperor. Realizing that the successful construction of a colonial empire was impossible without a powerful fleet, Wilhelm II fully supported the supporters of the then popular concept of sea power in many countries, who argued that the greatness and prosperity of any state directly depended on the level of this indicator. From propaganda of ideas, Germany quickly moved on to practical actions to create a powerful navy capable of competing on an equal footing with the British. In 1895, a decision was made to build the Kiel Canal, with the commissioning of which the entire strategic situation in northwestern Europe changed dramatically. At the same time, intensive construction of the navy began, and the army elite did not particularly hide the fact that they saw their task as quickly achieving parity with the British Navy.

It is not surprising that every day in England they watched the actions of Germany more and more warily. Wariness quickly gave way to hostility and increasing tension in Anglo-German relations. Conducting dialogue in such an environment is becoming increasingly difficult. For example, when in 1898 the Germans invited England to agree on the division of the Portuguese colonies in Africa, London did just the opposite: it signed an agreement with Portugal that it would undertake to guarantee the integrity and inviolability of the Portuguese colonial empire. In turn, in Germany this step was perceived unequivocally - it was impossible to agree on anything with England.

In the 90s of the 19th century, new, and this time non-European states - the USA and Japan - were knocking more and more insistently on the doors of the “club of great powers”. In the United States, after the end of the Reconstruction period in 1877, a long and extremely intense economic recovery began. The country has made a powerful breakthrough and has reached the forefront in many indicators. Until the last decade of the 19th century, the main attention of the American establishment was aimed at developing the domestic market. However, by the 90s, the largest corporations and banks had already become cramped within the American territory itself, and their gaze began to increasingly turn to the borders of the country. New conditions required the intensification of US foreign policy, and it is no coincidence that since the late 80s, various kinds of theories have become widespread in the country, justifying the need and expediency of foreign expansion. This is the theory of Turner’s “moving border”, and Mahan’s doctrine of “sea power”, and the concept of “overcoming fate” and much more. They created a certain moral climate in the country, accustoming public opinion to the fact that the United States is simply obliged to actively intervene in international affairs and take a place in the world community that corresponds to its economic potential.

The US's primary focus was Latin America. In 1889, on the initiative of the United States, the First Pan American Congress was held, in which the United States and all Latin American countries, except the Dominican Republic, participated. The United States tried to use this forum to strengthen its influence in this region and to obtain from its neighbors more favorable conditions for access of American capital there. Already at this time, American politicians attached great importance to economic expansion. In 1895, the United States intervened in the Venezuelan-British border dispute and asserted its claim to be the final arbiter of all disputed issues in the New World. They openly sought to oust the European powers from Latin America.

During these same years, Japan sharply intensified its actions in the Far East. The subject of her attention was Korea, Taiwan, mainland China, and primarily Manchuria. It was Japan that launched the struggle of the great powers for the division of China. In 1894, it attacked China and quickly won the war, defeating the poorly organized and poorly armed Chinese army. Having achieved complete and unconditional victory, the “land of the rising sun” was able to dictate its peace terms to China. Japan received Taiwan and the Liaodong Peninsula. Korea, which was a vassal of China, became formally and legally independent, but in reality fell into the sphere of influence of Japan. And finally, China was obliged to pay Japan a substantial indemnity.

The sudden strengthening of Japan's position in the Far East, which was unexpected for the Europeans, seriously alarmed the old great powers. Russia, France and Germany, which had their own interests in this region, decided to jointly cool down Japan's ardor. They demanded that she renounce some of her claims against China. Under their pressure, Japan was forced to yield: the Liaodong Peninsula was returned to China. China had to pay for this “help” expensive price. Germany received the port of Qingdao, which became its stronghold in the struggle for influence in the Far East. Russia established a foothold in Port Arthur and then entered into an agreement with the Chinese government to lease the Liaodong Peninsula and obtain a concession to build and operate the Chinese Eastern Railway. Japan yielded in this clash, but did not abandon its plans, and another knot of contradictions began in the Far East.

Despite all the dramatic conflicts that unfolded at the end of the century in various parts of the world, the center of world politics still remained in Europe. And there, Germany’s ever-increasing aggressiveness inspired increasing fears in its neighbors. From the second half of the 80s, a Franco-Russian rapprochement emerged quite clearly, culminating in the signing at the very end of 1893 of a bilateral alliance treaty, which provided for joint actions in the event of an attack on any of its participants. The anti-German orientation of the new treaty was obvious. Thus, in Europe, the first step was taken towards the constitution of a new military-political bloc, designed to become a counterweight to the Triple Alliance. As a result, the division of the continent deepened even more, and the likelihood of a pan-European military conflict increased.